Sina China

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Sina ist ein immer wieder benutzter Name für China, das sich historisch aus der lateinischen bzw. altgriechischen Sprache herleitet. Im Deutschland des Die Sina Corporation (chinesisch 新浪公司, Pinyin Xīnlàng gōngsī) ist ein gegründetes Internetunternehmen aus China. Es ist der Betreiber von,​. Sina Weibo (chinesisch 新浪微博, Pinyin Xīnlàng Wēibó) ist der Name des größten Damit steht als Synonym für entsprechende Angebote in China und hebt sich entsprechend stärker vom Konkurrent Tencent (Tencent Weibo) ab. ist ein großes chinesischsprachiges Infotainment-Webportal, es wurde in Guangzhou, zur „Chinese Language Media of the Year“ gekürt. Im April war auf Platz 14 der beliebtesten Seiten in China. BEIJING (IT-Times) - Das chinesische Internet-Portal und Weibo-​Muttergesellschaft Sina hat heute die Zahlen für das erste Quartal des.

Sina China

Zensur in China: Ai Weiwei, Bo Xilai - was Chinesen bei Sina Weibo posten, wird oft schnell zensiert, schreibt ProPublica. ist ein großes chinesischsprachiges Infotainment-Webportal, es wurde in Guangzhou, zur „Chinese Language Media of the Year“ gekürt. Im April war auf Platz 14 der beliebtesten Seiten in China. BEIJING (IT-Times) - Das chinesische Internet-Portal und Weibo-​Muttergesellschaft Sina hat heute die Zahlen für das erste Quartal des. Sina China

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On Sina, Weibo and Sports in China Post Covid19 - Digital China Ep.19 with Sam Li from Sina Sports After realising the magnitude of the attack, the Indian Western Command withdrew many of the Www Eurojackpot Deutschland outposts F1 Unfälle Tipp Lotto south-east. Since then the service had been extended across the straits and North Americabefore it extended to Hong Kong in July Retrieved 28 March China's construction of this road was one Flirtportal 69 the triggers of the conflict. Garver argues that the first perception was incorrect based on the state of the Indian military and polity in the s. Defending champion Trump edges through first round at Sno BeiDou system products exported to over Beste Spielothek in Kleinruprechts finden and regions Products linked to the BeiDou Navigation Satellite System BDS have been exported to over countries and regions, according to an official.

Especially through its fast, continuous, and comprehensive online news services covering a vast range of worldwide events, such as the NATO Bombing of the Chinese embassy in Belgrade in Sina was the first to be approved for listing on the Nasdaq National market on 13 April , through a variable interest entity VIE based in the Cayman Islands , followed by Netease and Sohu in June and July respectively.

In July , Sina was the official website for on-line coverage of the Summer Olympics in Sydney as selected by the government and the Chinese Olympic committee.

Xin, The Cyberspace Administration of China reprimanded Sina in , accusing the online portal of having "distorted news facts, violated morality and engaged in media hype".

Sina cooperates with other web-based companies such as People , Nanfang Daily , Lifeweek and Xinhuanet , etc. Recently Sina started developing its business in the field of wireless internet, in the meantime collaborating with China Mobile , China Telecom , Ericsson.

Recently, Sina has begun collaborating with Qihoo on internet security. Through this collaboration, Qihoo intend to provide Sina Weibo tech support in order to protect Weibo from hackers and viruses.

As of April 24, an official statement has not yet been made announcing the collaboration. To provide tailored internet services for local people, Sina has been conducting quantitative and qualitative marketing researches, including demographic research, psychograph, etc.

Sina provides Internet services to the Chinese population around the world. In every localized website, there are over thirty integrated channels, including news, sports , technology information, finance, advertising services, entertainment, fashion, and travel.

Many celebrities from mainland China, Taiwan and also Hong Kong use Sina's Microblog as a platform to reach out to their fans and supporters.

Some famous users on Sina's Microblog include Taiwanese hosts Dee Shu and Kevin Tsai , with more than ten million followers on their microblogs each.

A big challenge for Sina is monetizing the massive Weibo following. Sina Edalat has taken several steps in that direction, and is reportedly developing a "pay-for-forward" feature.

The feature will enable users to pay to have a message forwarded by an account with a large following. Internationalized services have a common layout which consists of sections like news, information, infotainment and email services with localized content.

Localization involves political censorship. As with all internet content providers operating within mainland China, the web pages which are geared toward mainland China audiences have internet censors controlling the discussion for sensitive political content.

In addition, the news from sina comes from local newspapers, which in the case of mainland China are themselves subject to censorship by the government.

This censorship does not extend to pages and forums which are not intended for audiences within mainland China. According to the company's published information, Sina.

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August Learn how and when to remove this template message. China portal Companies portal Internet portal. SINA ". Retrieved Their [India's] continually pushing forward is like crossing the Chu Han boundary.

What should we do? We can also set out a few pawns, on our side of the river. If they do cross, we'll eat them up [chess metaphor meaning to take the opponent's pieces].

Of course, we cannot blindly eat them. Lack of forbearance in small matters upsets great plans. We must pay attention to the situation.

It also claimed that the Forward Policy was having success in cutting out supply lines of Chinese troops who had advanced South of the McMahon Line, though there was no evidence of such advance before the war.

The Forward Policy rested on the assumption that Chinese forces "were not likely to use force against any of our posts, even if they were in a position to do so".

No serious re-appraisal of this policy took place even when Chinese forces ceased withdrawing. Chinese policy toward India, therefore, operated on two seemingly contradictory assumptions in the first half of On the one hand, the Chinese leaders continued to entertain a hope, although a shrinking one, that some opening for talks would appear.

On the other hand, they read Indian statements and actions as clear signs that Nehru wanted to talk only about a Chinese withdrawal.

Regarding the hope, they were willing to negotiate and tried to prod Nehru into a similar attitude. Regarding Indian intentions, they began to act politically and to build a rationale based on the assumption that Nehru already had become a lackey of imperialism; for this reason he opposed border talks.

Krishna Menon is reported to have said that when he arrived in Geneva on 6 June for an international conference in Laos, Chinese officials in Chen Yi's delegation indicated that Chen might be interested in discussing the border dispute with him.

At several private meetings with Menon, Chen avoided any discussion of the dispute and Menon surmised that the Chinese wanted him to broach the matter first.

He did not, as he was under instructions from Nehru to avoid taking the initiative, leaving the Chinese with the impression that Nehru was unwilling to show any flexibility.

In September, the Chinese took a step toward criticising Nehru openly in their commentary. After citing Indonesian and Burmese press criticism of Nehru by name, the Chinese critiqued his moderate remarks on colonialism People's Daily Editorial, 9 September : "Somebody at the Non-Aligned Nations Conference advanced the argument that the era of classical colonialism is gone and dead On the same day, Chen Yi referred to Nehru by implication at the Bulgarian embassy reception: "Those who attempted to deny history, ignore reality, and distort the truth and who attempted to divert the Conference from its important object have failed to gain support and were isolated.

By early , the Chinese leadership began to believe that India's intentions were to launch a massive attack against Chinese troops, and that the Indian leadership wanted a war.

Although this action met little to no international protest or opposition, China saw it as an example of India's expansionist nature, especially in light of heated rhetoric from Indian politicians.

India's Home Minister declared, "If the Chinese will not vacate the areas occupied by it, India will have to repeat what it did in Goa.

India will certainly drive out the Chinese forces", [16] while another member of the Indian Congress Party pronounced, "India will take steps to end [Chinese] aggression on Indian soil just as it ended Portuguese aggression in Goa".

He wants to put it in our heart. We cannot close our eyes and await death. Xu Yan, prominent Chinese military historian and professor at the PLA's National Defense University , gives an account of the Chinese leadership's decision to go to war.

By late September , the Chinese leadership had begun to reconsider their policy of "armed coexistence", which had failed to address their concerns with the forward policy and Tibet, and consider a large, decisive strike.

The Indian side was confident war would not be triggered and made little preparations. India had only two divisions of troops in the region of the conflict.

Palit claimed that a war with China in the near future could be ruled out. General J. Dhillon expressed the opinion that "experience in Ladakh had shown that a few rounds fired at the Chinese would cause them to run away.

Recently declassified CIA documents which were compiled at the time reveal that India's estimates of Chinese capabilities made them neglect their military in favour of economic growth.

On 6 October , the Chinese leadership convened. The Chinese leadership and the Central Military Council decided upon war to launch a large-scale attack to punish perceived military aggression from India.

Mao and the Chinese leadership issued a directive laying out the objectives for the war. A main assault would be launched in the eastern sector, which would be coordinated with a smaller assault in the western sector.

All Indian troops within China's claimed territories in the eastern sector would be expelled, and the war would be ended with a unilateral Chinese ceasefire and withdrawal, followed by a return to the negotiating table.

He said that a well-fought war "will guarantee at least thirty years of peace" with India, and determined the benefits to offset the costs.

China also reportedly bought a significant amount of Indian rupee currency from Hong Kong, supposedly to distribute amongst its soldiers in preparation for the war.

On 8 October, additional veteran and elite divisions were ordered to prepare to move into Tibet from the Chengdu and Lanzhou military regions.

Nehru has made up his mind to attack the Chinese frontier guards on an even bigger scale. It is high time to shout to Mr. Nehru that the heroic Chinese troops, with the glorious tradition of resisting foreign aggression, can never be cleared by anyone from their own territory If there are still some maniacs who are reckless enough to ignore our well-intentioned advice and insist on having another try, well, let them do so.

History will pronounce its inexorable verdict At this critical moment Nehru: better rein in at the edge of the precipice and do not use the lives of Indian troops as stakes in your gamble.

Marshal Liu Bocheng headed a group to determine the strategy for the war. He concluded that the opposing Indian troops were among India's best, and to achieve victory would require deploying crack troops and relying on force concentration to achieve decisive victory.

On 16 October, this war plan was approved, and on the 18th, the final approval was given by the Politburo for a "self-defensive counter-attack", scheduled for 20 October.

On 20 October , the Chinese People's Liberation Army launched two attacks, kilometres miles apart. Some skirmishes also took place at the Nathula Pass , which is in the Indian state of Sikkim an Indian protectorate at that time.

Gurkha rifles travelling north were targeted by Chinese artillery fire. After four days of fierce fighting, the three regiments of Chinese troops succeeded in securing a substantial portion of the disputed territory.

Chinese troops launched an attack on the southern banks of the Namka Chu River on 20 October. They formed up into battalions on the Indian-held south side of the river under cover of darkness, with each battalion assigned against a separate group of Rajputs.

At am, Chinese mortar fire began attacking the Indian positions. Simultaneously, the Chinese cut the Indian telephone lines, preventing the defenders from making contact with their headquarters.

At about am, the Chinese infantry launched a surprise attack from the rear and forced the Indians to leave their trenches.

The Chinese overwhelmed the Indian troops in a series of flanking manoeuvres south of the McMahon Line and prompted their withdrawal from Namka Chu.

Chinese forces respected the border and did not pursue. Some Chinese troops attacked the Indian position. The initial Chinese assault was halted by accurate Indian mortar fire.

The Chinese were then reinforced and launched a second assault. The Indians managed to hold them back for four hours, but the Chinese used weight of numbers to break through.

Most Indian forces were withdrawn to established positions in Walong, while a company supported by mortars and medium machine guns remained to cover the retreat.

Elsewhere, Chinese troops launched a three-pronged attack on Tawang , which the Indians evacuated without any resistance.

Over the following days, there were clashes between Indian and Chinese patrols at Walong as the Chinese rushed in reinforcements.

On 25 October, the Chinese made a probe, which was met with resistance from the 4th Sikhs. The following day, a patrol from the 4th Sikhs was encircled, and after being unable to break the encirclement, an Indian unit was able to flank the Chinese, allowing the Sikhs to break free.

On the Aksai Chin front, China already controlled most of the disputed territory. Chinese forces quickly swept the region of any remaining Indian troops.

Most Indian troops positioned in these posts offered resistance but were either killed or taken prisoner.

Indian support for these outposts was not forthcoming, as evidenced by the Galwan post, which had been surrounded by enemy forces in August, but no attempt made to relieve the besieged garrison.

Following the 20 October attack, nothing was heard from Galwan. On 24 October, Indian forces fought hard to hold the Rezang La Ridge, in order to prevent a nearby airstrip from falling.

After realising the magnitude of the attack, the Indian Western Command withdrew many of the isolated outposts to the south-east. Daulet Beg Oldi was also evacuated, but it was south of the Chinese claim line and was not approached by Chinese forces.

Indian troops were withdrawn in order to consolidate and regroup in the event that China probed south of their claim line.

The majority of Chinese forces had advanced sixteen kilometres 10 miles south of the control line prior to the conflict. Four days of fighting were followed by a three-week lull.

Zhou ordered the troops to stop advancing as he attempted to negotiate with Nehru. The Indian forces had retreated into more heavily fortified positions around Se La and Bomdi La which would be difficult to assault.

Nehru's 27 October reply expressed interest in the restoration of peace and friendly relations and suggested a return to the "boundary prior to 8 September ".

He was categorically concerned about a mutual twenty kilometre mile withdrawal after "40 or 60 kilometres 25 or 40 miles of blatant military aggression".

He wanted the creation of a larger immediate buffer zone and thus resist the possibility of a repeat offensive. Facing Chinese forces maintaining themselves on Indian soil and trying to avoid political pressure, the Indian parliament announced a national emergency and passed a resolution which stated their intent to "drive out the aggressors from the sacred soil of India".

The Soviet Union was preoccupied with the Cuban Missile Crisis and did not offer the support it had provided in previous years. With the backing of other great powers , a 14 November letter by Nehru to Zhou once again rejected his proposal.

Neither side declared war, used their air force, or fully broke off diplomatic relations, but the conflict is commonly referred to as a war. This war coincided with the Cuban Missile Crisis and was viewed by the western nations at the time as another act of aggression by the Communist bloc.

After Zhou received Nehru's letter rejecting Zhou's proposal , the fighting resumed on the eastern theatre on 14 November Nehru's birthday , with an Indian attack on Walong, claimed by China, launched from the defensive position of Se La and inflicting heavy casualties on the Chinese.

These positions were defended by the Indian 4th Infantry Division. Instead of attacking by road as expected, PLA forces approached via a mountain trail, and their attack cut off a main road and isolated 10, Indian troops.

Se La occupied high ground, and rather than assault this commanding position, the Chinese captured Thembang, which was a supply route to Se La.

Their attack started at am, despite a mist surrounding most of the areas in the region. At the Chinese troops advanced to attack two platoons of Indian troops at Gurung Hill.

The Indians did not know what was happening, as communications were dead. As a patrol was sent, China attacked with greater numbers. Indian artillery could not hold off the superior Chinese forces.

By am, Chinese forces attacked Gurung Hill directly and Indian commanders withdrew from the area and also from the connecting Spangur Gap.

The Chinese had been simultaneously attacking Rezang La which was held by Indian troops. At am, Chinese troops launched their attack audaciously.

Chinese medium machine gun fire pierced through the Indian tactical defences. At am the sun rose and the Chinese attack on the 8th platoon began in waves.

Fighting continued for the next hour, until the Chinese signaled that they had destroyed the 7th platoon.

Indians tried to use light machine guns on the medium machine guns from the Chinese but after 10 minutes the battle was over. Indian sources believed that their troops were just coming to grips with the mountain combat and finally called for more troops.

The Chinese declared a ceasefire, ending the bloodshed. Indian forces suffered heavy casualties, with dead Indian troops' bodies being found in the ice, frozen with weapons in hand.

The Chinese forces also suffered heavy casualties, especially at Rezang La. China claimed that the Indian troops wanted to fight on until the bitter end.

The war ended with their withdrawal, so as to limit the number of casualties. China had reached its claim lines so the PLA did not advance farther, and on 19 November, it declared a unilateral cease-fire.

Zhou Enlai declared a unilateral ceasefire to start on midnight, 21 November. Zhou's ceasefire declaration stated,.

Beginning from 21 November , the Chinese frontier guards will cease fire along the entire Sino-Indian border. Beginning from 1 December , the Chinese frontier guards will withdraw to positions 20 kilometres 12 miles behind the line of actual control which existed between China and India on 7 November In the eastern sector, although the Chinese frontier guards have so far been fighting on Chinese territory north of the traditional customary line, they are prepared to withdraw from their present positions to the north of the illegal McMahon Line, and to withdraw twenty kilometres 12 miles back from that line.

In the middle and western sectors, the Chinese frontier guards will withdraw twenty kilometres 12 miles from the line of actual control.

The aircraft carrier was ordered back after the ceasefire, and thus, American intervention on India's side in the war was avoided. Retreating Indian troops, who hadn't come into contact with anyone knowing of the ceasefire, and Chinese troops in NEFA and Aksai Chin, were involved in some minor battles, [16] but for the most part, the ceasefire signalled an end to the fighting.

The United States Air Force flew in supplies to India in November , but neither side wished to continue hostilities. Toward the end of the war India increased its support for Tibetan refugees and revolutionaries, some of them having settled in India, as they were fighting the same common enemy in the region.

The Nehru administration ordered the raising of an elite Indian-trained " Tibetan Armed Force " composed of Tibetan refugees.

The Chinese military action has been viewed by the United States as part of the PRC's policy of making use of aggressive wars to settle its border disputes and to distract both its own population and international opinion from its internal issues.

This was further triggered by Mao Zedong 's views that: "The way to world conquest lies through Havana, Accra, and Calcutta". Calvin believes that Chinese actions show a "pattern of conservative aims and limited objectives, rather than expansionism" and blames this particular conflict on India's provocations towards China.

Calvin also expresses that China, in the past, has been adamant to gain control over regions to which it has a "traditional claim", which triggered the dispute over NEFA and Aksai Chin and indeed Tibet.

Calvin's assumption, based on the history of the Cold War and the Domino Effect, assumed that China might ultimately try to regain control of everything that it considers as "traditionally Chinese" which in its view includes the entirety of South East Asia.

The Kennedy administration was disturbed by what they considered "blatant Chinese communist aggression against India".

In a May National Security Council meeting, contingency planning on the part of the United States in the event of another Chinese attack on India was discussed.

Defense Secretary Robert McNamara and General Maxwell Taylor advised the president to use nuclear weapons should the Americans intervene in such a situation.

McNamara stated "Before any substantial commitment to defend India against China is given, we should recognise that in order to carry out that commitment against any substantial Chinese attack, we would have to use nuclear weapons.

Any large Chinese Communist attack on any part of that area would require the use of nuclear weapons by the U.

India developed its own nuclear weapon by , within 10 years of the Chinese. The United States was unequivocal in its recognition of the Indian boundary claims in the eastern sector, while not supporting the claims of either side in the western sector.

The non-aligned nations remained mostly uninvolved, and only the United Arab Republic [ clarification needed ] openly supported India.

As for the causes of the war, Zhou asserted that China did not try to expel Indian troops from south of the McMahon line and that three open warning telegrams were sent to Nehru before the war.

Indian patrols south of the McMahon line were expelled and suffered casualties in the Chinese attack. While Western nations did not view Chinese actions favourably because of fear of the Chinese and competitiveness, [16] Pakistan, which had had a turbulent relationship with India ever since the Indian partition , improved its relations with China after the war.

China , which was rejected by India. As a result, Pakistan made efforts to improve its relations with China. The following year, China and Pakistan peacefully settled disputes on their shared border, and negotiated the China-Pakistan Border Treaty in , as well as trade, commercial, and barter treaties.

It effectively ended in a stalemate as Calvin states that the Sino-Indian War had caused the previously passive government to take a stand on actively modernising India's military.

During the conflict, Nehru wrote two letters to U. President John F. Kennedy , asking for 12 squadrons of fighter jets and a modern radar system.

These jets were seen as necessary to beef up Indian air strength so that air-to-air combat could be initiated safely from the Indian perspective bombing troops was seen as unwise for fear of Chinese retaliatory action.

Nehru also asked that these aircraft be manned by American pilots until Indian airmen were trained to replace them.

The U. As the Sino-Soviet split heated up, Moscow made a major effort to support India, especially with the sale of advanced MiG warplanes.

India and the USSR reached an agreement in August before the Cuban Missile Crisis for the immediate purchase of twelve MiGs as well as for Soviet technical assistance in the manufacture of these aircraft in India.

According to P. Chari, "The intended Indian production of these relatively sophisticated aircraft could only have incensed Peking so soon after the withdrawal of Soviet technicians from China.

However Moscow offered loans, low prices and technical help in upgrading India's armaments industry. India by was a major purchaser of Soviet arms.

Parthasarathy , "only after we got nothing from the US did arms supplies from the Soviet Union to India commence.

In , President of Pakistan Ayub Khan made clear to India that Indian troops could safely be transferred from the Pakistan frontier to the Himalayas.

According to the China's official military history, the war achieved China's policy objectives of securing borders in its western sector, as China retained de facto control of the Aksai Chin.

After the war, India abandoned the Forward Policy, and the de facto borders stabilised along the Line of Actual Control. According to James Calvin of Marine Corps Command and Staff College, even though China won a military victory it lost in terms of its international image.

Lora Saalman opined in a study of Chinese military publications, that while the war led to much blame, debates and ultimately acted as causation of military modernisation of India but the war is now treated as basic reportage of facts with relatively diminished interest by Chinese analysts.

The aftermath of the war saw sweeping changes in the Indian military to prepare it for similar conflicts in the future, and placed pressure on Indian prime minister Jawaharlal Nehru , who was seen as responsible for failing to anticipate the Chinese attack on India.

Indians reacted with a surge in patriotism and memorials were erected for many of the Indian troops who died in the war.

Arguably, the main lesson India learned from the war was the need to strengthen its own defences and a shift from Nehru's foreign policy with China based on his stated concept of "brotherhood".

Because of India's inability to anticipate Chinese aggression, Prime Minister Nehru faced harsh criticism from government officials, for having promoted pacifist relations with China.

The CIA later revealed that at that time the Chinese had neither the fuel nor runways long enough for using their air force effectively in Tibet.

Many Indians view the war as a betrayal of India's attempts at establishing a long-standing peace with China and started to question the once popular "Hindi-Chini bhai-bhai" meaning "Indians and Chinese are brothers".

The war also put an end to Nehru's earlier hopes that India and China would form a strong Asian Axis to counteract the increasing influence of the Cold War bloc superpowers.

The unpreparedness of the army was blamed on Defence Minister Menon , who resigned his government post to allow for someone who might modernise India's military further.

India's policy of weaponisation via indigenous sources and self-sufficiency was thus cemented. Sensing a weakened army, Pakistan , a close ally of China, began a policy of provocation against India by infiltrating Jammu and Kashmir and ultimately triggering the Second Kashmir War with India in and Indo-Pakistani war of The Attack of was successfully stopped and ceasefire was negotiated under international pressure.

As a result of the war, the Indian government commissioned an investigation, resulting in the classified Henderson Brooks—Bhagat Report on the causes of the war and the reasons for failure.

India's performance in high-altitude combat in led to an overhaul of the Indian Army in terms of doctrine, training, organisation and equipment.

Neville Maxwell claimed that the Indian role in international affairs after the border war was also greatly reduced after the war and India's standing in the non-aligned movement suffered.

According to James Calvin, an analyst from the U. Navy, India gained many benefits from the conflict. This war united the country as never before.

India got 32, square miles 8. The new Indian republic had avoided international alignments; by asking for help during the war, India demonstrated its willingness to accept military aid from several sectors.

And, finally, India recognised the serious weaknesses in its army. It would more than double its military manpower in the next two years and it would work hard to resolve the military's training and logistic problems to later become the second-largest army in the world.

India's efforts to improve its military posture significantly enhanced its army's capabilities and preparedness. Soon after the end of the war, the Indian government passed the Defence of India Act in December , [] permitting the "apprehension and detention in custody of any person [suspected] of being of hostile origin.

The last internees were not released until Thousands more Chinese-Indians were forcibly deported or coerced to leave India.

Nearly all internees had their properties sold off or looted. They could not travel freely until the mids. India also reported some military conflicts with China after the war.

In late , there were two incidents in which both countries exchanged fire in Sikkim. The first one was dubbed the "Nathu La incident", and the other being " Chola incident " in which advancing Chinese forces were forced to withdraw from Sikkim, then a protectorate of India and later a state of India after annexation in In the Sino-Indian skirmish , both sides showed military restraint and it was a bloodless conflict.

In the two countries once again were involved in a military standoff , in which several troops were injured. In , soldiers were killed in skirmishes for the first time since the war ended.

On 20 November , Indian politicians from Arunachal Pradesh expressed their concern over Chinese military modernization and appealed to parliament to take a harder stance on the PRC following a military buildup on the border similar to that in On 6 July , the historic Silk Road passing through this territory via the Nathu La pass was reopened.

Both sides have agreed to resolve the issues by peaceful means. In October , it was stated that India and China will formulate a border mechanism to handle different perceptions as to the LAC and resume the bilateral army exercises between the Indian and Chinese army from early From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia.

The examples and perspective in this article may not include all significant viewpoints. Please improve the article or discuss the issue.

September Learn how and when to remove this template message. Main articles: China—India relations and Sino-Indian border dispute.

Main article: Aksai Chin. Main article: Events leading to the Sino-Indian War. Main article: Internment of Chinese-Indians. This article is in list format, but may read better as prose.

You can help by converting this article , if appropriate. Editing help is available. June Previous to the rebellions in Eastern Turkistan which broke up Chinese rule there in , the Kashmiris had occupied Shahidulla for nearly 20 years.

About they abandoned it, and in Shaw and Hayward found it occupied by the Andijani Kokandi troops of the late Amir Yakub Beg. In —74 Sir D. This I believe has never been accepted by Kashmir, and the boundary has been left an open question.

Lord Kimberley the secretary of state would suggest that the Chinese Government at Peking When the Chinese revolt took place and they were driven from Yarkand, the Kashmir State sent a detachment of troops to Shahidullah and built a fort there.

Yakub Beg when he came into power at Yarkand sent some troops, who built a fort at Ali Nazar on the Karakash River at the junction of the roads from the Kilian and Sanju Passes.

Shortly afterwards the Kashmiris evacuated the Shahidullah fort after occupying it for about three years, and the Andijanis then took possession of it and occupied it till Yakub Beg's death.

His boundary line was described as "patently absurd", and extending further north than the Indian claim. Johnson is said to have been reprimanded by the British Government for crossing into Khotan without permission and he resigned from the Survey.

The "invitation" from the Khotanese ruler was likely a forcible removal, and the ruler was merely seeking British help in warding off Yakub Beg and the Russian Empire.

In , the British invaded Hunza and replaced its ruler, and the Chinese remonstrated. The British wanted the Chinese to cede their suzerainty over Hunza and yet grant rights to cultivate lands outside its boundary.

In return for this largesse, they were prepared to cede the Aksai Chin plains, but not Lingzi Tang plains, to China. Scholar Parshotam Mehra has termed it a 'barter'.

Dilithium Press Ltd. Ross ed. Margolis In Mark A.

Diese Zahl könnte für kleinere Unternehmen ein Ausschlusskriterium darstellen, insbesondere aufgrund der Beste Spielothek in Daspig finden, dass es innerhalb von Wechat wesentlich Sina China ist neue Follower zu generieren als beispielsweise in Sina Weibo. Und es rückt schnell in den Mittelpunkt, wenn man Social Media Marketing mit Blick auf eine chinesische Zielgruppe plant. Dieses Wachstum ist beachtlich und muss dennoch in Bregenzer gesehen werden. Hinterlasse einen Kommentar: Name. Damit steht Weibo. Zumindest dann, wenn diese Ansichten den Vorstellungen der Kommunistischen Partei widersprechen. Deine E-Mail-Adresse wird nicht veröffentlicht. Hauptseite Themenportale Zufälliger Artikel. Beste Spielothek in Innerschwende finden schätzen sie kulturelle Beste Spielothek in VГ¶rie finden ein? Auf welche Social-Media-Events lohnt es sich hinzugehen? Hunderte Weibo-Mitarbeiter sind mit nichts anderem beschäftigt, als all diese Kurznachrichten durchzusehen und gegebenenfalls zu löschen. Bereits seit soll das Netzwerk die Marke von einer halben Milliarde Nutzern überschritten haben — Stand Millionen aktive Nutzer.

Sina China - Inhaltsverzeichnis

Den Fokus legen die Macher des Projekts auf Bilder. Unternehmen stehen oft vor der Wahl: Einen externen Social-Media-Anbieter auswählen oder selbst inhouse die Kompetenzen und Technologien aufbauen? Und da jede Nachricht auch via Push-Information gesendet wird, bekommt der Abonnent eines Channels die Information unverzüglich und direkt auf sein Display. Dieses Wachstum ist beachtlich und muss dennoch in Relation gesehen werden. Die rasante Entwicklung des mobilen Internets in China steht in unmittelbarem Zusammenhang sowohl mit der steigenden Nachfrage nach Echtzeit-Technologien, als auch mit dem Wunsch nach dem Sammeln und Teilen von Informationen. Die Betonung liegt allerdings auf teilweise. Zensurwelle: Chinas „Sina Weibo“ macht Rückzieher beim Blockieren von homosexuellen Bildern. Drei Tage lang hielt sich die Ankündigung von. Die rasante Entwicklung des mobilen Internets in China steht in unmittelbarem Zusammenhang sowohl mit der ansteigenden Nachfrage nach. Sina Weibo ist die chinesische Version von Facebook, Google und Twitter. Was sind die Eigenschaften und das Geschäftsmodell von Sina Weibo? Zensur in China: Ai Weiwei, Bo Xilai - was Chinesen bei Sina Weibo posten, wird oft schnell zensiert, schreibt ProPublica. Sina kann einmal die Kurzform von Namen sein, die auf -sina enden (wie Rosina​, Anhang, Spalte , Eintrag „China“, lateinisch wiedergegeben mit „Sina“. Einzigartig ist sicher die Funktion, die es möglich macht, Sprachnachrichten direkt an einen Adressaten oder eine definierte Adressatengruppe zu versenden. Laut Alexa. Sina Weibo scheint weiter zu wachsen, allerdings in einem für das Microblogging in China schwieriger werdenden Umfeld. Kunden zu verzahnen. Tipp Lotto Jeux Casino ist Weibo auch interaktiv, es besteht die Möglichkeit einer privaten Kommunikation. August von Sina Corporation gegründet, die u. Microblogging -Dienst. Bereits seit soll das Netzwerk die Marke von einer halben Milliarde Nutzern überschritten haben — Stand Millionen aktive Nutzer. Sina Weibo. Diese Zahl Video Hunter für kleinere Unternehmen ein Ausschlusskriterium darstellen, insbesondere aufgrund der Tatsache, dass es innerhalb von Wechat wesentlich schwieriger ist neue Follower zu generieren als beispielsweise in Sina Weibo.


Ich bin endlich, ich tue Abbitte, aber meiner Meinung nach ist dieses Thema schon nicht aktuell.

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